An earlier shipment from Hamburg to Alicante on 1 October by the Welsh ship Bramhill had 19, rifles, machine guns and more than 20 million cartridges for the CNT militia in Barcelona. The Nationalists were supported by German and Italian units and equipment during the Battle of Madrid. Increasing Republican air superiority became apparent, particularly the strength of the Soviet Polikarpov I and I aircraft. Faupel, in November—December, urged the creation of a single German unit of 15,—30,, believing it would be enough to turn the tide of the war to the Nationalists.
Hans-Heinrich Dieckhoff argued this would be insufficient, and that larger measures could provoke the wrath of the Spanish. German forces also operated in the Battle of Jarama , which began with a Nationalist offensive on 6 February It included German-supplied ground forces, including two batteries of machine guns, a tank division, and the Condor Legion's anti-aircraft guns.
Britain’s Socialist Workers Party lends credence to Stalinist line on Spanish Civil War—Part 2
A joint Italian—German general had been set up in January to advise Franco on war planning. The defeat of a significant Italian force and the growing Soviet superiority in tanks and aircraft led the Germans to support a plan to abandon the offensive on Madrid and instead concentrate a series of attacks on weaker Republican-controlled areas.
The isolated area of Vizcaya , a predominantly Basque part of northern Spain, was the most immediate target, in what was called the War in the North. Durango had no anti-aircraft defence, and only minor other defences. According to the Basques, civilians died on 31 March, including the priest, nuns and congregation of a church ceremony.
The number of casualties is a matter of controversy, with between and people killed;  the number reported dead by the Basques was 1, dead and wounded. Several explanations were put forward by the Nationalists, including blaming the attack on the Republicans,  that the attack on the town had been a prolonged offensive. However, the nature of the operation itself makes this seem unlikely.
It proved the worth of the Condor Legion to the Nationalist cause. The Condor Legion also took part in the Battle of Brunete. German tactics were also improved with the experience of Brunete, particularly the en masse use of tanks by the Nationalists. The Nationalists returned to focus on the capture of northern Spain. German test aircraft, with the latest models, faced an outdated Basque section Escuadrilla vasca of the Spanish Republican Air Force. Faupel was replaced with Eberhard von Stohrer by Franco, through Sperrle.
The Condor Legion began a week of strikes against Republican airfields, halted by the Republican advance on Teruel and the ensuing Battle of Teruel. Poor weather resulted in few flights, and the town fell to Republican forces on 6 January.
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Teruel was retaken on 22 February. The Legion was switched to focus in the north, towards the Segre river , before moving south again following Nationalist successes. On 24—25 July, Republican forces launched the last major offensive of the war, the Battle of the Ebro. Reconnaissance units of the Condor Legion had noticed a troop build-up, and warned Nationalists forces. The warning went unheeded.
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Although trained Spaniards made up some of the shortfall, Volkmann complained to central command in Berlin, which led to his recall in September. During the battle, which saw days of fighting, only 10 aircraft were lost some by accident ; the Legion claimed around Republican aircraft. Only five aircrew had been killed, and six captured.
The Legion took a short break from active duty to receive new aircraft, including Bf Es, He Es and Js, and Hs As, bringing its strength to 96 aircraft, around a fifth of the Nationalist's force as a whole. Von Richthofen returned to Spain in overall command, with Hans Seidemann as chief of staff. The Condor Legion claimed to have destroyed Republican aircraft through aerial combat and shot down another 52 using anti-aircraft guns.
They lost 72 aircraft due to hostile action, and another to accidents.
Operating independently of the land-based division, it acted against Republican shipping, ports, coastal communications and occasionally inland targets such as bridges. Ten ships were attacked in the second half of ; however, the Norwegian torpedoes being used proved ineffective, and strafing or bombing targets was used instead. As naval activity declined, inland targets became more numerous, and night missions began.
In total, eleven men were killed in action, and five others died due to accident or illness. Overtly, the Kriegsmarine was part of the force enforcing the non-intervention agreement signed on 28 September , which barred its signatory countries [nb 3] from interfering in the Civil War. However, the German pocket battleships Deutschland and Admiral Scheer stood guard in the Strait of Gibraltar to prevent interference from Republican ships while Franco transported his troops to the Spanish mainland.
They quickly uncovered evidence that the Soviet Union was supplying the Republicans.
On 29 May, Deutschland was attacked by two Republican planes. After the Germans claimed that Leipzig had been attacked by an unidentified submarine off Oran , it formally withdrew from international patrols to enforce the agreement. Any identification marks were obscured, and the whole mission was kept secret. They entered the Mediterranean on the night of 27—28 November, taking over from Italian submarine patrols. If damaged, they were to sail to La Maddelena , and enter under an Italian ensign.whatdaddydid.com/includes/viper/
Catalonia since the Spanish Civil War
Difficulties in identifying legitimate targets and concerns about discovery limited their operations. During their return to Wilhelmshaven in December, the Spanish Republican C-3 submarine was sunk; the Germans claimed this was due to a torpedo fired from U , although the Republicans' enquiry claimed its loss was due to an internal explosion.
Their return marked the official end of Operation Ursula. Five submarine commanders received the Spanish Cross in Bronze without Swords in Andrew Dowling not only offers one of the few overarching accounts in English of Catalan nationalism, but he also presents important new research on the resurrection of the nationalist movement under the Franco dictatorship, in addition to incorporating the very latest exchanges in the ongoing debate on the future of Catalonia. This is a study that is as valuable as it is necessary International Journal of Catalan Culture , Vol.
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He does not even ask the questions. The whole historic episode is presented as tragic and entirely natural process whose causes we do not need to seek. We get no sense of the life and death struggle that was fought out in the May Days or the problems of revolutionary leadership in such a knife edge situation. It must be said that even the Sandhurst-educated military historian Beevor, who has no pretensions to left-wing politics, offers a better account of these political questions than Durgan. For Durgan, the outcome of the struggle in Spain was largely determined by the question of foreign intervention or lack of intervention.
Again this follows Preston closely. The question of the outcome of a revolution is not really a political one at all, according to this reasoning.
Prime Minister Leon Blum who headed a Popular Front government in France, Durgan maintains, would have liked to intervene, but clashed with his generals over the issue. That, however, is exactly what the Popular Front, whether in Spain or in France was about. A Popular Front government kept the generals and all the institutions of the bourgeois state in place.
Durgan may wish to deny the connection between the Popular Front in Spain and the Popular Front in France, but the connection is present in his own narrative. Just how closely Durgan now aligns himself with Preston and Graham and their support for the Popular Front is clear when he comes to the question of dual power. It is a temporary situation that must be resolved in favour of one or other class.
British foreign policy and the Spanish Civil War
Such a situation emerged in Spain on July 19 , when workers rose up to resist the attempt of the army to seize power. The Republican government was reduced to a shell without any of the coercive apparatus it needed to maintain its power. Durgan denies that there was a state of dual power in Republican Spain and rejects any comparison with Russia in In doing so, he is aligning himself with the Stalinists who denied it at the time and have continued to do so ever since.